Two archives, one network. The first is a set of 31 pages of raw investigative notes mapping former intelligence officers, Cicada organizers, and the YouTube channels that carried them. The second is the Enzenada Cloud evidence corpus — email headers, court filings, Reddit trails, and video artifacts collected since 2017.
They are not the same kind of material, and this document never pretends they are. Every entry below is stamped with what it actually rests on — and chapter 12 is the reason the file does not end where the notes do: the same methods run through Anonymous, Occupy and Standing Rock as through the Trump transition, and one operator is documented on both sides.
1995 → 2026
Notes end at 2017; corpus runs to present
—
Filterable by evidence tier
—
Artifact or published record behind it
26-000013-MZ
Michigan Court of Claims, consolidated
Former intelligence officers. They supply authority.
Cicada-adjacent organizers. They convene.
YouTube and podcast distribution.
In it — role not yet established.
Payment paths that tie the rest together.
The failure mode of every network dossier is that a rumor and a court exhibit end up looking identical on the page. So they don't here. Toggle a tier off and watch how much of the story survives — that number is the real finding.
A primary artifact is in hand and reviewable: a source .eml with passing SPF/DKIM/DMARC, a stamped court filing, an archived post with an absolute timestamp and status ID, a video file. Transcriptions are reading copies — the artifact is the evidence.
Someone asserted it, and we can prove they asserted it. That is a real fact about the speaker and a weak one about the world. Most of what Thomas Schoenberger has ever said lives here.
It is in the notes, it is worth chasing, and nothing has confirmed it yet. Unverified is not false. Collapsing those two is how good researchers get discredited by their own footnotes.
Page 1 of the notes lays the whole thing flat. Read it left to right as a supply chain: who can generate a narrative with a credential attached, who convenes the room, who broadcasts it. Names marked ** are in the notes as present but with the nature of their involvement still open.
| Brains · former IC | Facilitators · Cicada | Mouthpieces · YouTube | Involved · role open | Money links |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mike Flynn | Thomas Schoenberger | Jordan Sather | Jim Watkins | Bijan Kian / Nasser Kazeminy → Schoenberger. Both are also Flynn's business partners. |
| William Binney | Michael Levine | George Webb | Lara Logan & husband | Flynn Defense Fund run by Barbara Redgate and Joe Flynn |
| Steve Pieczenik | Defango (Manuel Chavez III) | Dave Acton | Ed Butowski | Tanya Biss appears to be paying the conspiracy cluster — open |
| Robert David Steele | Roger Stone ** | Jason Goodman | Trevor Fitzgibbon | UNRG Investments → Schoenberger |
| Ray McGovern ** | Jerome Corsi ** | TracyBeanz | Cynthia McKinney | — |
| Kevin Shipp ** | Jack Posobiec ** | Paul Furber | Robyn Gritz | — |
| Michael Scheuer ** | Microchip / Dreamcatcher ** | Coleman Rogers | Steve Biss | — |
| Erik Prince ** | Richard Todd Miller (Z) | Dustin Nemos ** | Julian A. Vasquez | — |
| — | Lisa Clapier | Praying Medic ** | HA Goodman | — |
** = in the room, mechanism unresolved · column order encodes function, not rank
Funds from Bijan Kian and Nasser Kazeminy point at Thomas Schoenberger. The same two men are Mike Flynn's business partners. This is the single hinge that makes the two halves of the table one network rather than two.
Administered by Barbara Redgate and Joe Flynn. A legal-defense vehicle that doubles as a fundraising audience.
Notes flag her as paying the conspiracy cluster. The corpus adds two independent details: her June 30, 2017 "HAZMAT" email predates Q's first drop by four months and is citable from the Steele v. Goodman filing at page 31, and she is still in direct contact with Schoenberger as of 2020 per a recorded screen-share.
A second corporate vehicle routing money to Schoenberger. Relationship to Amadeus Investors LLC not yet established.
Schoenberger builds a business out of an illusion and a string of lawsuits. Pieczenik argues in print that intelligence work should be handed to private contractors. Neither knows the other. Both are assembling the parts the network will later run on.
Schoenberger incorporates Music for Infants, producing music to soothe babies. He attempts to appropriate the "Mozart effect" and rebrand it the Schoenberger effect. The move is small and almost comic, and it is the exact template he runs for the next twenty years: take an existing thing with cultural weight, attach his surname, then litigate the difference.
Read against everything downstream, this is not a fringe op-ed. It is a job description for the role Flynn Intel Group, Wikistrat and Psy-Group would each fill within fifteen years.
A 2015 deposition discloses that in 2005 Schoenberger and Nasser Kazeminy formed Amadeus Investors LLC. He is a heavy Mozart obsessive and named his son Wolfgang. He testifies the company existed to sell antiquities to Kazeminy — then does not list that money when asked to enumerate his income.
src → trackingmeroz.files.wordpress.com/2020/07/gauthier-v-schoenberger-1201-2015-deposition.pdf
Infowars runs a piece about someone with FBI contact in the months before 9/11. The card reproduced carries the name Robyn L. Gritz; the article calls her "Robin (Gritz) Laird." Approached by the show's guest, she reportedly says she cannot discuss it and would get in trouble. Gritz reappears in the Flynn orbit a decade later, which is the only reason this fragment is retained.
ref → 911omissionreport.com/911_israeli_foreknowledge
Nine days is the entire finding. Everything else about the sequence is legal.
Around 2008 Schoenberger is pushed out of North Bay Entertainment, which he had run since 1991 booking musicians and magicians for North Bay weddings and parties. In his own phrasing: they would book anything except strippers.
That Steve Leflar and Eric Symons "gang stalked" the company away from him. He deploys some version of this claim nearly every time he faces legal trouble — which is what makes it evidence about him rather than about them.
Felony stalking of a woman named Julia Ross; separately, harassment of Lisa Visa.
The company itself appears to have been taken from founder Leigh Wyckoff.
Coverage describes him in terms that read closer to devotion than journalism. Steve Andrews calls him a "demonic genius." The habit of collecting people who will say things like that on the record never goes away.
Side ventures: concerts for toddlers with Jeffrey McFarland-Johnson; pet-music albums including DogGone.
A Page Six item on the marriage of Army Major Todd Hathaway to screenwriter and environmentalist Nora Maccoby in Georgetown. It is a society notice, and it is also the cleanest single artifact in this dossier for the argument that the intelligence column and the noetic column were never separate worlds.
THE INTELLIGENCE SIDE
At the lunch afterward, James Woolsey — former CIA director — is described telling a solar-energy strategist about test-driving a Tesla Roadster. Bill Clinton is present. The couple met through the Energy Consensus Group, formed in 2005 after Maccoby challenged Donald Rumsfeld at a Christmas party to treat energy policy as a national security question.
Woolsey is the same man who, six years later, sits on the GreenZone Systems board with Bijan Kian, Justin Freeh and Michael Flynn — see chapter 03.
THE NOETIC SIDE
The rite is described as Episcopalian-Buddhist, performed by a Jungian analyst with bell-ringing, and includes a reading from the Native American visionary Rolling Thunder — a figure of the same countercultural-spiritual circuit that runs through chapter 10.
A Jungian officiant, a CIA director at lunch, and an energy-security lobby founded off a remark to the Secretary of Defense. Not a convergence anyone engineered — a milieu. That is the point.
Maccoby is a documented subject in a separate Enzenada Cloud OSINT thread. She is carried here only for what this artifact establishes on its face: the social overlap is older than QAnon, older than Cicada, and older than everything in chapters 03 through 08.
This is where the two halves fuse. Schoenberger starts telling a covert-operations story about himself using Flynn's business partner as the alibi. Flynn leaves DIA and walks straight into Kian's chip company. And a puzzle from 2012 acquires an owner who did not write it.
Schoenberger says the Pentagon invited him onto a covert mission spanning 17 countries, which he says he shut down himself upon discovering ISIS knew their movements. He names Bijan Kian as his Pentagon contact and Seval Oz — Dr. Oz's sister — as his partner.
Treat the mission as fiction and the names as the finding. He does not invent contacts at random; he borrows real people who are adjacent to real money, and Kian is precisely that.
Notes flag a detail worth keeping: a QAnon account using "OZ" imagery and Schoenberger's own account are two of the nine accounts William Binney follows.
Robert David Steele · phibetaiota.net
Writes that the "Iranian assassination plot" may be an Israeli false flag.
Michael Scheuer · YouTube
Same day, same position, same framing.
Two former officers, two platforms, one date. Coordination is not proven by synchrony alone — but synchrony is what you log first and explain later.
Through this period Hersh appears to be receiving material from Flynn while Flynn heads DIA. The reports embarrass the lobby pushing for escalation in Syria and the removal of Assad. Hersh reports that Flynn's DIA kept sending classified warnings about the consequences of toppling Assad, and Flynn tells him the reports met enormous resistance inside the Obama administration. The grievance that later becomes a movement starts as an internal memo nobody read.
Everything in the Cicada Layer chapter below depends on holding this line: the puzzle is real, anonymous, and unowned. Every subsequent ownership claim is a claim about a vacuum.
Ray McGovern and Steve Pieczenik each say on Infowars that the government lied about the alleged Iranian assassination plot. Same claim as the October 2011 pairing, now moved from blogs onto the largest conspiracy broadcast in the country. That is the escalator this network runs on.
Business relationship
Kian and Alptekin are doing business together before Flynn Intel Group takes foreign work. Alptekin confirms Kian served as vice chairman of his Istanbul aviation firm EA Havacilik from November 2011, and that the two regularly planned how to build an aviation client base.
Nowruz Commission
Both sit on the Nowruz Commission — the social venue where the Flynn introduction happens a year later.
Butowski claims the Benghazi story originated with him. Logan's Benghazi reporting was retracted. Couch claims serious sourcing. The same three names resurface in the Seth Rich campaign four years later, which is the reason the fragment stays in the file.
Pushed out by the Obama administration, the Kian friendship converts into a business partnership. Kian brings him onto the board of the chip company GreenZone Systems Inc. Flynn's own financial disclosures show GreenZone and its parent paid him over $150,000 in cash.
The 2013 Nowruz Commission annual dinner in DC: Flynn presents an award to Kian's wife, and Woolsey introduces Flynn to Kian. Flynn's DIA clearance process is what qualifies the "green zone chips" pitch.
The board is Woolsey, Justin Freeh (son of Louis Freeh — the same Freeh from the Kazeminy penthouse), Kian and Flynn. They meet Miles Taylor at DHS ostensibly about chips, then abruptly pivot the conversation to removing Gulen. Taylor ends the meeting on the spot.
They fall back on Hill relationships and begin meeting Dana to build support for Midwest nuclear plants — behind which sits Russian money.
src → bloomberg.com, "What Michael Flynn Could Tell the Russia Investigators"
He begins posting in the Cicada forums and making assertions about the game. Shortly after he starts publishing his own puzzles and presenting them as the work of Cicada's original anonymous authors. The objective is legible and stated plainly in the notes: produce enough material to look like the inventor, and thereby hold IP for a film. His partners are Hollywood composer Michael Levine and Richard Lech.
An anonymous organization cannot rebut a claimant. That is not a side effect of the strategy — it is the strategy.
Recounted in the December 2015 deposition as "a little over a year" earlier: Schoenberger receives $90,000 paid through the Kazeminy-formed Amadeus LLC, then writes a series of checks.
He says he traveled to Turkey to meet Kurdish rebels out of personal concern that ISIS would break through, that he was on the Syrian border, that he spent his time handing cash to street kids, and that he carried the maximum currency legally permitted. The last detail is the only one that is checkable, and it is the only one that would matter.
June 2014
Robert David Steele gives an interview about his open-source intelligence project.
August 2014 · VIPS → Merkel
Binney co-signs the VIPS open letter urging the German chancellor to doubt US intelligence on a Russian invasion of Ukraine:
2015 is the year Schoenberger has to answer questions under oath, and the year he starts building counterfeit journalism. The two things happen within months of each other, and the deposition is the reason we can date the rest of it.
Awarded within the peace-institute circuit. The credential later gets carried into rooms where nobody checks who issued it.
Under oath he describes a television project with Michael Levine called 3301. He runs North Bay Entertainment as a DBA; clients include Silverado Country Club, Meadowood Resort and Auberge du Soleil.
He stands up a counterfeit BBC website discussing Cicada 3301. The same site pushes Iranian propaganda and attacks the people closest to solving the real puzzle. Two years before Q, the method is already complete: fabricate the outlet, borrow its authority, and use it to discredit anyone with actual standing.
The 4chan admission is the load-bearing line in the whole deposition. It is sworn, dated, and it sits twenty-two months before the first Q post.
In early 2016 Schoenberger begins publishing his own puzzles under the name Cicada 25:30. In May 2019, gHOST3301 — one of the original creators — states in a recorded interview that Schoenberger is the force behind the counterfeit Cicada puzzles. gHOST3301's account: Schoenberger was not an original member, had some peripheral involvement, then co-opted the movement and moved for the trademark — because a faceless organization gave him room to assert rights to a film adaptation.
ref → therealsamizdat.com/2019/08/30/cicada-files-ghost3301-interview
February 2016. Eight months before the election, twenty months before Q. The apocalyptic frame and the Flynn hagiography are already fully formed and in public.
The company
Brainwave Science markets patented brain fingerprinting for national security, counterterrorism, border control, human and drug trafficking, and immigration enforcement. The release announces Flynn — retired lieutenant general, former DIA director — joining its advisory board.
The red flag
A co-chair and co-founder is Subrahmanyam Kota, who in 1986 admitted selling US biological weapons technology to the KGB.
Three files carry the credentialed half of the network. Their function is not to produce information — it is to make information that already exists sound like it came from inside.
Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity, steering group roster. The notes treat William Binney as the group's lead. Most of these people are exactly what they say they are; that is the point of the roster to anyone borrowing it.
William Binney
Former NSA official · group lead
Philip Giraldi
CIA operations officer, ret.
Matthew Hoh
Former USMC captain, Iraq; Afghanistan diplomat (associate)
Larry Johnson
CIA & State Dept, ret.
Michael S. Kearns
USAF intelligence officer, ret.; former chief SERE instructor
John Kiriakou
Former CIA counterterrorism officer; Senate Foreign Relations investigator
Karen Kwiatkowski
Former USAF lt. col.; in OSD 2001–03
Edward Loomis
NSA cryptologic computer scientist, ret.
David MacMichael
National Intelligence Council, ret.
Ray McGovern
Former Army infantry/intel officer & CIA analyst, ret.
Elizabeth Murray
Former deputy national intelligence officer, Near East
Todd E. Pierce
US Army judge advocate, ret.
Coleen Rowley
FBI special agent & former Minneapolis division counsel, ret.
Robert David Steele
Former CIA operations officer
Peter Van Buren
State Dept foreign service officer, ret. (associate)
J. Kirk Wiebe
Former senior analyst, NSA SIGINT Automation Research Center
Ann Wright
Army colonel, ret.; FSO who resigned over the Iraq war
Former NSA official and self-described whistleblower. He left after NSA discarded his surveillance software for a more expensive system he considered more invasive. He kept speaking as a whistleblower — and from roughly 2014 became a committed conspiracy theorist.
Becker show appearances · 20 dates · Dec 2015 → Dec 2017
Twenty bookings in twenty-four months on one show. The same host booked Cassandra Fairbanks on June 14 and September 28, 2016.
IRS filing · service description, in his own framing
London hearings → commission.itnj.org
Co-founder · Jason Liszkiewicz
His own bio: work with Mr. Bloom produced connections across musicians, managers, Russian scientists, financiers, investigators, writers, the space industry, mobile, film, the US Air Force, and space-based solar developers. Three years of travel: Russia, Amsterdam, Malaysia, South Korea, and across the United States.
The Twitter account, @thefreedom2live, is wall-to-wall Q content. Jim and Angie interview Robert David Steele repeatedly. The notes identify Angie as Angela Chism, and assess her as under Schoenberger's direction.
Form 990 · contribution revenue
2014: 78,413 · 2015: 25,553 · 2016: 13,087 · 2017: 191,260 · 2018: 135,260 · total 443,573
Revenue is flat and falling through 2016, then jumps 14× in 2017 — the year Q begins. The outlet that received the December 6, 2017 script is the outlet whose books turn that year.
Narrative is cheap and leaves no paper. Money leaves paper. This chapter is the part of the file that would survive a hostile cross-examination.
Binney's expanded position: the DNC servers were not breached by Russia but by a disaffected US intelligence insider. He voices concern about Clinton's private handling of classified material. He further asserts that NSA holds every one of her deleted emails and the FBI could pull them at will.
src → theduran.com; dailymail.co.uk, restated 2016-08-02
FARA registration dated November 2016 (the source document carries an impossible date — November 31 — reproduced here as filed). Directors: Michael T. Flynn, Bijan Rafiekian, Philip Oakley.
shareholder split · ~906,000 shares issued
Michael T. Flynn
350,000
Bijan Rafiekian
300,000
Philip Oakley
250,000
Dr. Payman Arabshahi
5,000
Darkshore LLC
1,000
Philip Oakley — former Army intelligence analyst and a longtime friend of Flynn's; owns two small firms selling software to defense and intelligence clients.
Nasser Kazeminy, Kian's associate, separately retains Flynn as a consultant — the same man behind Amadeus Investors LLC and the $90,000 to Schoenberger.
Darkshore LLC appears to belong to a Jack Hilton Jr., per the formation filing.
July 2016: Alptekin retains Flynn Intel Group for the Turkish government and sets up INOVO BV in the Netherlands, moving money from Ankara to FIG through Western banks. Flynn then hires the lobbying firm SGR LLC — Jim Courtovich.
October 5: Courtovich contracts with FIG to work for INOVO BV, later filing a retroactive FARA registration for it. He met Miles Taylor, called Politico, and placed an op-ed in The Hill. FOIA shows Kian and Courtovich in contact between 2006 and 2011 during Kian's Ex-Im Bank tenure.
SAUDI · $4M
Before that, Courtovich lands Saudi Arabia as a client: $4M — $1.72M into a Capitol Hill townhouse, the rest buying equity in his firm. The money appears to have been for lobbying against Americans suing the kingdom over 9/11. He did not deliver. The Saudis are now suing him over it.
SEP 2016 · RETAINER
From September 2016 the Saudis add $45,000 per month for lobbying.
OTHER CLIENTS
Morocco and Qatar; a presidential candidate in El Salvador; Russia's Sberbank US subsidiary seeking sanctions relief — which also hired him for media work around the October 2017 Catalan independence referendum.
GreenZone Systems
Kian owns GreenZone Systems, with Flynn on the board and Woolsey likely alongside. Presents as a Minneapolis technology firm.
contact block, as recorded
202-304-4727 office
858-449-8997 mobile
bk@greenzonesys.com
greenzonesys.com
Founded 2009 by Joel Zamel, Daniel Green and former Israeli military intelligence officer Elad Schaffer. Self-described crowdsourced consultancy: hired experts write reports for clients, usually government agencies and large corporations. Analysts run simulations, war games and risk monitoring.
Zamel wanted the former national security adviser on his advisory board and spoke with Flynn repeatedly around the formation of Flynn Intel Group — the Daily Beast reported Flynn was taken with him. Wikistrat began losing money, took on more foreign clients, then emptied out and looked dormant by early 2017. It reappeared in 2019 claiming $100 million in revenue.
on Mueller's radar
src → thedailybeast.com, "Inside the Mysterious Intelligence Firm Now in Mueller's Sights"
Weeks before the vote, the same names run the same two stories on rotation: the election will be stolen, and there is a pedophile network at the top. Both stories are load-bearing for what launches eleven months later.
Rovin, the writer Pieczenik hired to produce the Tom Clancy series, surfaces in October 2016 on Hannity, on Breitbart, and on the cover of the National Enquirer, describing himself as the Clintons' fixer who buried family scandals. His claims run through Clinton's sexuality, an open marriage, and an affair with Vince Foster.
The relationship is the finding: the ghostwriter Pieczenik employed for fiction turns up selling the same material as fact, in the final month of a campaign.
10-31
SGTreport says Clinton will steal the election.
11-03
SGTreport says Clinton runs a pedophile network; calls CNN "mockingbird media."
ATTRIBUTION
The notes read "SGT appears to be Schoenberger." Flagged unverified and left that way — the identification has never been closed with a primary artifact, and it should not be repeated as settled.
He also says she has Alzheimer's. Drudge picks it up. Pieczenik co-authored with Tom Clancy and in 1998 published State of Emergency — a novel about civil war against a repressive government. One year out from Q, the man arguing for privatized intelligence is publishing the Q storyline under his own name.
Breitbart / Drudge
Prince restates Pieczenik's line — that NYPD is preparing arrests in the Weiner case. Drudge amplifies.
WikiLeaks amplification
Fairbanks writes the "spirit cooking" story about Podesta; WikiLeaks retweets it. She had moved from Occupy to police informant to the "Deplorables" scene. Becker hosted her on June 14 and September 28, 2016 — the same show that booked Binney twenty times.
The segment claims the emails were not hacked but given to Assange by NSA. Napolitano says he can tell, and cites William Binney — misdescribing him as the author of NSA's surveillance program. He says he is hearing it from the intelligence community, that the FBI never released the information, and that he knows Binney well.
Three days before the vote, a cable network launders a claim from a man who two years earlier addressed a group that believes chemtrails are mind control. That is the whole pipeline in one segment.
The last chapter the original notes cover. The private-intelligence thesis Pieczenik published in 2001 arrives in a transition-team office with a price tag attached.
Flynn and Jared Kushner meet Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak at Trump Tower for twenty minutes. Kislyak reports the meeting to Moscow; the call is intercepted and reviewed by US officials.
Per the Washington Post's account of an anonymous letter: beyond establishing a channel, Kushner, Flynn and Kislyak discussed arranging a meeting between a Trump representative and a Russian contact in a third country, which was not named.
Sheikh al-Nahyan and George Nader meet Flynn, Kushner and Steve Bannon at Trump Tower.
The meeting was arranged by Erik Prince, then an informal campaign adviser. Nader represented the UAE and Saudi Arabia; Donald Trump Jr. and Stephen Miller represented the campaign. Zamel pitched Psy-Group's social media manipulation capability. (Ronan Farrow and Adam Entous, The New Yorker.)
Across a series of meetings in Riyadh and Belgium, Nader and Zamel pitch General Asiri and others a $2B program: use private intelligence firms to damage Iran's economy and remove threats to bin Salman's consolidation of power.
Before those meetings — in January 2017 — bin Salman sent Asiri to New York to meet Flynn, Nader and Zamel, who wanted to sell a plan to weaken the Iranian government. Whether it advanced is not established, nor is the date of Zamel's last contact with Asiri.
After the election Flynn places Kian in a transition role overseeing Pompeo's confirmation and the ODNI landing team. The notes flag the link plainly: Bijan Kian is Joel Zamel's friend.
JANUARY 2017 · TWO DAYS · TRUMP TOWER
Zamel, Flynn, the Saudi intelligence chief, Bannon and Nader meet for two days to draft plans for regime change in Iran.
Somewhere between the election and Q's first post, Alex Jones tells George Noory he knows people in Delta Force. That is where page 12 stops. Nineteen pages remain outside this volume.
The original notes stop where the network's public phase begins. This chapter is the other archive: primary artifacts collected since 2017 — source .eml files with passing SPF/DKIM/DMARC, archived Reddit activity, deposition text, video files. It answers the question the notes leave open, which is what Schoenberger was actually doing while Flynn's people were upstairs at Trump Tower.
Standing correction, stated once and applied throughout: Cicada 3301 is an anonymous puzzle organization with no established ownership. Thomas Schoenberger is a documented false claimant to its authorship and leadership. Nothing below should be read as accepting his framing — the emails are evidence of what he said and planned, not of what he was.
Victurus Libertas publishes "Cicada 3301 Hillary Clinton Pedophile Ring Investigation Latest" on November 3, 2016 — under a 3301 cicada banner. Everything QAnon would later be is already in it, and the byline is a puzzle organization that never authorized any of it.
Anonymous federal insider, elite pedophile network, imminent indictments, governments collapsing, a coded puzzle whose old messages are re-read as predictions once events arrive — a full year before Q's first post. The finished product existed. What October 2017 added was a name and a board.
Note also which post the chapter 07 entries sit next to. On November 3, 2016, SGTreport was pushing a Clinton pedophile network. Pieczenik said she would be arrested over one on November 1. Prince repeated it on November 4. This post is the same week, from the channel that would ask Steele about Cicada in February and host FBI Anon in August.
The account u/Drpbox is tied to joebillionairesdog@gmail.com, an address Schoenberger identified as his own in a June 1, 2018 email to Dale Currie — "I only use joebillionairesdog@gmail.com for paypal" — in a thread where the PayPal notification itself is addressed to Thomas Schoenberger. Drpbox posted that address publicly in a comment on r/UCI.
This is the single most useful artifact in the corpus for reading the original notes. Fourteen months before Q, the same account is doing all four things at once: seeding a hack payload, vouching for the proto-anon persona, recasting an anonymous puzzle as an insider leak channel, and running the Weiner storyline that Prince and Pieczenik will be repeating on Drudge six weeks later.
Video context for the Cornwell Biss material below. · Watch on YouTube ↗
An email from Tanya Cornwell Biss, forwarded to a third party. It is the single most direct statement on record about the relationship at the center of money path 03, and she wrote it herself, in capitals, unprompted.
Three separate things are established here, and none of them require trusting her about anything else in the message. She describes Schoenberger as working for her and as the introducer to a named political circle. She describes herself as directing him — "the targets I put in front of him politically" — which inverts the usual assumption about who was steering. And the register is a one-hour ultimatum with a threat to ruin a lawyer's client, delivered to the wife of the attorney in that lawfare pipeline, framed as mercy.
Set it beside the June 2019 Biss email in chapter 05, where the attorney tells her that when Schoenberger opens his mouth he lies. In the same season, one half of that household is warning the other away from him while she is writing that he works for her.
Tanya Cornwell Biss's June 30, 2017 email predates Q's first post by four months and is citable from the Steele v. Goodman filing at page 31. It sits directly under money path 03 in the network map above, and it is the reason that path is worth chasing rather than merely noting.
Schoenberger states in an unlisted YouTube upload titled on-screen "The Secret History of Q" that he authored a Nostradamus-styled quatrain — "Quand l'escritue D.M. trouvee…" — and gave it to Richard Todd Miller (@KryptosJournal) on April 19, 2017 to encrypt for a puzzle project called Sevens.Exposed, co-created with Michael A. Levine and Richard Lech.
The video's grievance is that Miller stole authorship credit. It is not a denial of producing prophetic, coded, Q-shaped material six months before Q existed — which is what makes it usable. The reply thread from Kryptos Journal contains a gematria-style numeric cipher.
ATTRIBUTION CORRECTION
The video splices in a clip of the Michael Trimm Show (native broadcast timestamp 3/4/2018) carrying a "4/26/2017" overlay, at the moment the host mentions a Q.mp3 uploaded to the Sevens.Exposed site on that date. That annotated clip is not Schoenberger's. It was made by this desk — the overlay was added here to mark exactly that moment. He screen-recorded it off a phone, which is why the copy in his video is visibly degraded, and reused it uncredited. It belongs in the attribution ledger, not the authentication column.
The video also contains an unexplained 2020 election-fraud tweet spliced in with no stated connection to anything around it.
Identity chain confirmed via the Sevens.Exposed thread, Feb–Apr 2018: "Z" = lethargiclemur@gmail.com = "Kryptos Journal" = Richard Todd Miller, introduced Feb 28, 2018 as "Z, from the sevens exposed puzzle"
Robert David Steele's Public Intelligence Blog publishes the question list for a Victurus Libertas interview. Two of the questions are the entire thesis of this file, asked in public, in February 2017.
Read what is actually being asserted. Cicada is recast as a government program. A "creative" who can forecast events is placed at its origin — the precognition framing of chapter 10, dropped into an intelligence-adjacent story. And WikiLeaks and Cicada are declared connected on the strength of a number.
The same questions cover Epstein, blackmail of named senators, an intelligence-community civil war, and whether a populist civil war is coming. Every load-bearing element of QAnon is present in one document — the anonymous insider, the pedophile blackmail network, the coming civil war, the coded puzzle — eight months before the first Q post, in an outlet run by a former CIA officer, prompted by the channel that would receive an authored Q script in December.
The channel description: after seven weeks of silence, their FBI Anon granted a Q&A; much of it confirmed what they had already suspected; they had been discussing what looks like an attempt to start a civil war in this country.
This is the format Q would run on, already operating: an anonymous federal insider, periodic silence followed by an exclusive return, civil-war framing, and a husband-and-wife channel supplying the broadcast. 2,851 subscribers. The audience was built, tested and warmed before the persona that would inherit it existed.
The same channel appears three separate times in this file: asking Steele about Cicada in February, hosting FBI Anon in August, receiving Schoenberger's authored Q script in December — and its contribution revenue jumps fourteenfold across that year. See the 990 chart in chapter 05.
An email from "Th Stg" (tstger13@gmail.com) sends Victurus Libertas an authored QAnon Q&A titled "Q anon speaks! End days prophecy is coming!" — and forwards it privately three minutes later with the note "Private. he he he.."
The source .eml carries passing SPF, DKIM and DMARC. The .eml is the evidentiary object; every transcription of it is a reading copy. Cross-reference the 990 chart in chapter 05: this is the outlet whose contribution revenue jumps fourteenfold in the year it receives this.
Private: we planned to introduce Q on September 26. Semi-private: Q was modelled on Cicada. Public: Q is probably a CIA and Israeli psyop. He is not confused. He is running three registers at once for three audiences, and the deflection script is the one written to be forwarded.
Four screenshots from the Unity4J Discord, dated July 25, 2018. PistisSophia is Lisa Clapier. LESTAT is this author. The exchange is the whole thesis of this file compressed into eight minutes, and it happened three years before anyone was writing papers about it.
Unity4J Discord, July 25, 2018 · four consecutive captures, 5:17–5:26 PM
He asks directly why she is promoting QAnon, pointing out that Q had called WikiLeaks compromised and attacked it, and names her: "you are snowwhite in twitter." She answers that some accounts claim to be Q supporters but that is not the narrative as far as she is aware. He presses: Q followers are harassing Julian's mother — "why no one is helping us bring q anon down?" She replies that no one should be harassing Christine, that he should pass any accounts along and someone can deal with them, and offers to talk after the broadcast.
His assessment, in the moment: "that can discredit wikileaks and us in any moment its a ticking bomb and a lie 100%" and "QAnon will cause way more damage, and its getting to the point of chaos because its already madness." Her reply is to ask whether this is the first movement he has witnessed, then post the Unity4J State of the Movement Address.
WHAT THE TIMESTAMP SETTLES
Any account in which this author is a QAnon operator or promoter has to explain a dated log of him demanding, inside the movement's own Discord, that QAnon be brought down — and being deflected by its organizer. Four months later she would write that Q is assisting and that Schoenberger had been chosen. She was not unaware of the narrative. She was managing the person raising it.
Captured in August 2018 while observing the Unity4J Discord during its formative period: a WHOIS export and a live site capture showing wikileaks.shop operating as "The Official WikiLeaks Shop" with no infrastructure, registrar or jurisdictional relationship to WikiLeaks. The legitimate outlet was shop.wikileaks.org, a subdomain on WikiLeaks' own DNS.
Enzenada Cloud forensic memo OSINT-2018-WLSHOP-001 · observed Aug 2018, documented May 18, 2026
WHOIS DELTA
THE WINDOW
The capture falls inside the period when Assange's internet access had been cut at the Ecuadorian embassy — severed March 28, 2018 — sharply reducing WikiLeaks' ability to police its own brand or adjacent fundraising channels.
That is the pattern across this entire file: periods of reduced principal-actor visibility are followed by branded grift standing up inside the affinity audience. A faceless puzzle. A jailed publisher. A movement with no accountable center.
The WHOIS export that produced this listed six domains together: qanongear.com, veteransonpatrol.com, qanontruth.com, wikileaks.org, shop.wikileaks.org, wikileaks.shop. QAnon merchandise, the Tucson "Veterans on Patrol" operation, and a counterfeit WikiLeaks storefront surfacing in one lookup. Independently, in a recorded 2020 call, Manuel Chavez III walks through the same clustering and asks how those domains ended up next to each other — the same anomaly, found separately, years apart.
It was reported at the time to Jack Posobiec, who dismissed it. Posobiec sits in the facilitator column of the notes' own table, and is one of only two people the DEF CON account names as present in that room.
THE DEFECTION POINT
Identifying that domain is when this author left. Not an argument, not a falling-out — a registration record. A January 2019 WikiLeaks DM confirming Clapier as a fraud closed it. The memo also establishes something relevant to a separate file: this investigative track predates the formalized research frameworks that later reported the same terrain without attribution.
Video introduction. Clapier in her own voice, before the email below. · Watch on YouTube ↗
An email from PistisSophia@protonmail.com — confirmed as Lisa Clapier — to Beth Bogaerts, copying Schoenberger, Mindy, Genki, Hamilton and Tanya Cornwell. The prose is messianic disclosure language and it endorses QAnon by name: Q is assisting whether you like it or not, transparent disclosure is coming.
It also vouches for Schoenberger as chosen — that he may be taking the public hit to protect the truth's emergence, that she can confirm he was chosen, and that she was humbled when she learned by whom.
Set beside the quatrain, this is the stylistic match that matters: same messianic framing, same cabal-and-disclosure vocabulary, one in verse and one in prose, three weeks apart in the same network.
In June 2026 Schoenberger writes that "PDAnon was Chavez. I have the proof somewhere…Him admitting it." That alone would be a claim. It is corroborated by a contemporaneous and entirely independent source: Bret Hirsch (@brethirsch), December 12, 2018, publicly naming PDAnon as "the idea behind Q & my friend @defangolives" — eight years before the confession.
Defango was also PDAnon's same-day first amplifier and sole canonical host: a February 6, 2018 Periscope plus a Steemit article slotted as "part 6" of his own Epstein series. Read as a whole, PDAnon reads as a recovery move after losing control of Q, not as an origin.
Replying to a draft overview, Schoenberger writes that he never fought over QAnon and has never even been on 8chan — then states it was founded by Beth, Paula Davis, Lisa Clapier and Dan Vazina, who hid their roles with the exception of Clapier.
Same structure as 2018: deny personal involvement in the same sentence that demonstrates detailed operational knowledge of who was involved. The denial is the claim; the roster is the evidence.
In a Zoom appearance, the owner of 8chan sits in front of a virtual background of a cicada with a red Q drawn over it. Nothing about it requires interpretation or verification. Pull the frame.
Furber — listed in the mouthpiece column of the notes' own table — is forensically established as the lead author of the Q posts. The notes had him as a distributor. He was upstream of that.
The notes account for the intelligence credential and the money. They do not account for the cosmology — where the "chosen," "disclosure," "tipping point" vocabulary comes from, or why it is already fluent by 2017. It comes from a funded professional circuit with a fifty-year institutional history and a documented roster overlap with the Cicada network.
The Institute of Noetic Sciences was founded in 1973 by Apollo 14 astronaut Edgar Mitchell and Paul N. Temple. Multiple independent sources confirm IONS supplied early private funding for the SRI remote-viewing experiments — Puthoff, Targ, the Geller testing — that became the Army and DIA Project Stargate program.
IONS is not a defunct fringe outfit. It is a live, funded 501(c)(3) with a physical campus in Petaluma and an active YouTube channel, currently running a "Science of Channeling" program fronted by its director of research — a program that defines channeling broadly enough to cover intuition through trance mediumship, and gives institutional cover to exactly the kind of authority a channeled persona claims.
Markley has recycled the same "civilizational tipping point" graph across decks in at least 2010, 2011, 2015 and 2016. The date slides forward each time it fails — 2020±8 becomes 2022±8 — and is never retired.
His "Type II Wild Card" framework classifies an event as highly probable to a "knowledgeable minority" and low-credibility to "most others." That is not a forecasting tool. It is a device that pre-frames outside skepticism as the audience's failure rather than the claim's — the same move Q makes with "future proves past."
His own 2011 citations confirm he draws the remote-viewing and "mental time travel" forecasting methodology directly from the IONS/SRI psi lineage. The 2016 Austin deck runs on Barbara Marx Hubbard's "Conscious Evolution" curriculum outright.
Hubbard's Book of Co-Creation, which she described as channeled from what she called "The Presence," contains a passage that has circulated for decades: that one-fourth of humanity is electing to transcend, one-fourth is resistant and cannot be reached, and that "the destructive one-fourth must be eliminated from the social body" — closing with "We are the riders of the pale horse, Death."
WHY NOT DOCUMENTED
The passage is real and widely attributed, but this desk holds it via a hostile secondary source — an evangelical book whose bracketed commentary supplies the reading that the "destructive one-fourth" means Christians. The bracketed glosses are the critic's, not Hubbard's, and they are printed in the same paragraph as her words. That is precisely the practice this file exists to refuse.
It moves to Documented when the pages are pulled from the primary text with edition and page numbers. Until then it is quoted at the tier it was obtained. The elimination language is severe enough that citing it loosely would be the fastest way to discredit the entire chapter.
Held at this tier, it still does work. The mentor of the woman writing that Schoenberger was chosen, and a named figure on the Tipping Point roster above, produced a channeled text organizing humanity into a saved fraction and a fraction that has to go. That is the apocalyptic structure of chapter 03's "trad" assessment, arriving from the other end of the political spectrum.
Thrive — the documentary at the center of the Gamble/Hubbard pipeline. · Watch on YouTube ↗
The worldwidetippingpoint.com interview roster carries Barbara Marx Hubbard, Foster Gamble and Lisa Clapier on the same page.
Hubbard directly mentored Clapier, and is the sister of Patricia Marx Ellsberg — the bridge between the New Age and whistleblower archetypes that runs through this entire file. Thrive credits Hubbard in the film and describes her as a close collaborator of the Gambles on their own site.
That is a documented three-way overlap tying the noetic-futurist sphere to a woman who was, in the same period, writing that Schoenberger was chosen.
Gaia, Inc. is a separately owned public company — there is no corporate or financial ownership tie to IONS, and claims otherwise should be dropped. The connection is distribution, and it is continuous: Gaia's "Divine Science" series co-features IONS researchers alongside actual former Project Stargate and SRI personnel, including Joseph McMoneagle and Russell Targ, plus Geller. One episode offers to teach viewers remote viewing.
Gaia also hosts the full Thrive documentary, Gamble interviews, and a Hubbard tribute episode. The chain is Stargate → IONS → Gaia → Thrive/Hubbard/Gamble, and every link is a documented content or personnel relationship rather than an inference.
It extends downward, too: a January 2019 Anonymous Official video description states the channel partnered with Gaia to amplify its message, carrying a referral link — a monetized cross-promotion, not just alignment. Cite the description text; the compiled overlay graphic circulating with that screenshot is a third party's exposé, not a primary source.
The evidence supports a persistent professional circuit that manufactures prophetic urgency, monetizes it, and shares a roster with the Cicada network. It does not yet support the stronger claim — that the network engineers real-world disruptive events rather than narrating and selling anticipated ones.
Those are two different propositions with two different burdens. Keeping them apart is the only reason the first one is worth publishing.
Manuel Chavez III (Defango) gives a detailed account of originating Q as a counter-operation at a DEF CON 25 talk in July 2017. It is filed here in full, at the tier it earns, because a serious dossier has to state the competing account rather than route around it.
At DEF CON 25 he handed out QR codes and steered people toward a 303 Skytalk billed as a whistleblower session, filling a room of roughly sixty people. There, he says, he laid out a plan: parody the Q of Luther Blissett's novel into something "more Catholic, more western," name Hillary Clinton as villain and select Michael Flynn as the anti-hero, teach the audience about Operation Mockingbird while psy-opping them, deliberately amplify Pizzagate, and use "do your own research" as a maze. The stated objective was to draw enough criminal behavior onto 4chan and 8chan to get both shut down.
He then says he was routed to Microchip via Justin McConney, built a Discord with four other people — Droog, Microchip, himself as Turbo, and Dreamcatcher — handed over the account, and walked away. He places the release of the "Matlock" tripcode, which made anyone able to post as Q, with Microchip.
A 303 Skytalk bars press, cameras and recording devices. He states he deliberately took no names and asked attendees not to look at him. So the account is unfalsifiable by construction: no recording, no roster, and two named attendees who will never confirm it.
Unverified is not false, and this file does not treat it as false. But an origin story whose only possible corroboration was designed out of existence in advance carries the burden, not the reader.
Chavez's own account is that he told Schoenberger about Q in September 2017. Schoenberger's own September 26 planning line, the April Q.mp3, and the 2015 sworn 4chan admission all sit before that conversation. Whatever happened in that room, it was not the beginning of the material.
He also concedes the decisive point directly when pressed: that Schoenberger could have been talking to Microchip before November without him knowing. That concession is worth more than the whole DEF CON narrative, because it is the one part of his account that costs him something.
Everything above treats the network as a right-wing object: former intelligence officers, Gulf money, a Trump transition. That framing is incomplete, and the incompleteness is the point. The same methods run through Anonymous, Occupy, Standing Rock and the anti-disinformation research scene — and one operator is documented on both sides of the line.
Neal Rauhauser is assessed here as the live node. Thomas Schoenberger, by 2026, is close to inactive as an individual operator; his significance is who he is allied with. This chapter is about the ally, the doctrine, and what it cost to get close enough to document it.
Rauhauser's 2016 doctrine describes calibrated encouragement and provocation against a target, tuned to a deliberate success-rate band: enough wins to keep them engaged, enough losses to destabilize. The stated outputs are despair or overreach — either the target collapses, or they overreach publicly and discredit themselves.
Read it as an operating manual and most of what follows in this chapter stops looking like a series of separate incidents.
His documented lawfare doctrine treats expensive, long-distance, lengthy, discovery-laden litigation as a tool: you do not need to win, you need to make one visible example of one critic so the others quiet down.
The shape of Schoenberger v. Dilley et al. matches that description — a suit with no apparent foundation, filed at distance, generating a docket that implies there is something substantive to litigate about Cicada authorship. See chapter 13 for the exact captions and the author's status in them.
Per Dilley's own book manuscript, Rauhauser recruited her into an Anonymous-adjacent intelligence operation, and she found William Welna inside his chat rooms. Welna — with no academic research experience — then collected the Twitter data underpinning the QAnon paper, and disavowed the work in February 2025. That disavowal is now cited by the plaintiff's side against her.
This contradicts what she told The State News in April 2025, where the research was framed as a pandemic hobby and she declined to explain how she found Welna.
THE TELL
In a recorded conversation, Dilley and VelvetBlade remark on how odd it was that out of everyone available to Rauhauser, he assigned Welna specifically. They noticed. They noticed and proceeded anyway.
@AmericanHacker DMs from June 2021 show Rauhauser running parallel FBI tip operations built on Maltego graphs — the same methodology Dilley later presents as her own innovation. He is also documented operating inside Jim Stewartson's Thinkin Project Discord.
The most useful evidentiary tier on that last point is not third-party testimony. It is Rauhauser's own tweets about working with the project, which a private source flagged in July 2022 — twenty-six months before anyone said it publicly.
The screenshot itself is straightforward and dated: nrauhauser adds Fredrick Brennan, introduces him as 8chan creator emeritus and notes he jabs them where he can now. Brennan replies. Rauhauser says they have a room and invites people to join the hunt.
That is the intake funnel operating in a single exchange, with the founder of the board Q ran on brought in as an asset. It also dates the Rauhauser–Brennan working relationship to January 2020, which is nine months before the Reddit recruitment drive and the sinkhole room described below.
THE OVERLAY IS NOT THE SCREENSHOT
The handwritten sign asserts that in 2020 Rauhauser, Cottle, Stewartson and Brennan formed a Discord group to coordinate a fabricated story about Jim Watkins, with Brennan recruited on a promise of getting even with the Watkinses. That is a serious allegation about four named people, it is unsourced, and it did not come from this desk — it is someone else's annotation riding on a real screenshot.
It is reproduced because the composite is what circulates and readers will encounter it whole. It is not adopted. The dated chat log is documented; the claim written on the sign is not, and this file does not launder one into the other by printing them in the same picture.
Four sources, four routes, one funnel: the manipulation doctrine; a Matrix room created and labelled by Kirtaner (Aubrey Cottle) as "a sinkhole for real q crazies once plans enact"; a Reddit recruitment drive by Stewartson pulling in roughly five hundred unvetted people; and those volunteers being exposed to Rauhauser without disclosure.
People who signed up to research a conspiracy movement were routed into a room built by the people who had written down how to destabilize researchers. That is the gamification thesis in one sequence.
DHS/NCCIC Bulletin A-0016-NCCIC · UNCLASSIFIED // FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
A federal bulletin assessing Anonymous operations — Occupy Wall Street, Operation Facebook, Project Mayhem with its December 21, 2012 culmination date, Operation Halliburton — alongside the tooling. It reproduces the Adbusters tactical briefing, the Tahrir-acampadas model, and the movement's own Pledge of Nonviolence.
It is included for one reason. Every element the later chapters treat as a manipulation signature — a leaderless movement, an apocalyptic date, a Guy Fawkes mask, a call to flood a physical location — is here in 2011, being read and catalogued by a federal agency, with the participants' nonviolence pledge printed alongside. The people in the street were sincere. The infrastructure around them was already documented, funded, and attended to. Those two facts have coexisted the entire time, and every chapter in this file is about what happens in the space between them.
Wes Clark Jr. — video reference for the Standing Rock arc. · Watch on YouTube ↗
American Psyop (MeidasTouch Network / Bunker Crew, 2022) is a documentary podcast series built entirely on this premise. Its subject is Wes Clark Jr. — son of a NATO general and presidential candidate — and its stated thesis is that he was targeted by intelligence operations, surrounded by a religious cult, and driven into a breakdown while moving through Hollywood, The Young Turks, and activism.
Several consecutive episodes are Standing Rock. The published descriptions are explicit: he descends into madness preparing to leave; he arrives at the protest while experiencing a psychotic episode, attempting to fulfill what he believes is his destiny; the experience turns dark as figures from his past reappear; after he returns, familiar faces and strange new ones are waiting.
A bonus episode pairs Clark with Desiree Kane to discuss how their experiences overlapped and what that shows about threats to American democracy — an Indigenous participant in the same events, brought in on the record to corroborate the overlap. Another bonus episode brings in cult expert Steven Hassan on the undue-influence and mind-control tactics used against Clark.
WHY THIS CLOSES THE GAP
The series is edited and directed by Jack Bryan — already in this file's attribution ledger. So the strongest published account of operators working a left-wing Indigenous movement comes from inside the same small production world that has republished this desk's research without credit. It is not an outside corroboration. It is the same circle, describing the mechanism from the other end, with a major network's distribution behind it.
Set against Jim Stewartson's characterization on a recorded call — that Lisa Clapier's résumé runs through Anonymous, Occupy, Thrive, No DAPL and Standing Rock before Cicada and QAnon, and that Schoenberger was a low-rent operator until she arrived — the two accounts describe the same terrain from opposite sides of the political map.
The conclusion the file will carry: this is not a political network. It is a methodological one that has run the same playbook — anonymous authority, prophetic framing, a movement with no accountable center, a target isolated inside work he believes in — through an occupation, an anti-pipeline campaign at Standing Rock, and then a pro-Trump apocalypse. What stays out of scope is any claim about the water protectors themselves. Standing Rock was surveilled and infiltrated by actual private contractors; that is documented history, and it is not this file's to relitigate.
A named mechanism, defined by this desk from the inside, because it was run on this desk.
It works like this. Someone recruits you into work you already believe in. The obligation is built out of things you cannot refuse without appearing dishonorable: a shared cause, a confidence, a person who needs protecting, a risk you agreed to carry. Then the obligation becomes the leash. You are publicly attacked and cannot answer, because answering would break the confidence or expose the work. You absorb it, because absorbing it is what the code requires. No deception about facts is necessary at any point. The trap requires only that you have a code and be seen to have one.
CASE: THE RECRUITMENT AND THE PUBLIC POSITION
March 2022: a Gmail thread in which Dilley recruits this author, praising his expertise. He supplies research, media documentation, and eventually hours of recorded interviews for her book. He receives a formal acknowledgment in the peer-reviewed paper for that documentation.
Concurrently and afterward: six one-sided NDAs issued to sources; three concurrent accounts running attacks; an October 2023 harassment email chain; a private strategic advisor whose public attacks derived from her private framing; and, when she accessed his PC, the circulation of a claim that the conflict with Schoenberger had been fake all along — the precise inversion of an infiltration he had declared in advance to her and to five witnesses.
The structural fact underneath it, established in the entries above rather than inferred: she entered through Rauhauser's recruitment and her key collaborator came out of his chat rooms — and by mid-2022 one of her accounts was publicly minimizing Rauhauser as a harmless crank when his involvement was raised as disqualifying. Downgrading an operator from operator to crank defuses the association. It is a two-way shield in one sentence, and it protects the recruiter.
THE LINE, DRAWN DELIBERATELY
"She was on their side the whole time" is the reading, and it is not what the evidence establishes. What the evidence establishes is that she was inside the same recruitment chain from the beginning, that the chain ran through Rauhauser, that she shielded him publicly, and that the person who supplied her research absorbed the public cost of work she was credited for. Whether that was allegiance or capture is not documented, and the difference does not change what happened. Recruitment is provable. Loyalty is not.
This is why the mechanism gets a name and a place in the file. Nearly everyone in this document who was harmed was harmed while doing something they considered correct. That is not a coincidence in the sample. That is the selection criterion.
After a public meltdown by Dilley, the author of this file deleted his account and left Twitter, then returned on hearing it was continuing and that ex-girlfriends were being contacted. While under attack and unable to answer publicly, Schoenberger approached him offering friendship — read at the time as an attempt to exploit apparent depression.
The decision was to accept and infiltrate instead, and — critically — to declare it in advance. It was stated to Dilley and at least five witnesses. The December 2023 DMs are screenshot-documented: an intention to infiltrate the operation again, a request that the public attacks continue because they help the cover, and an explicit ask for a witness. Cullen Hoback documented it independently.
It ran roughly three years. It produced the FBIAnon confession from Schoenberger — the decisive break — plus the 2018 and 2025 emails in chapter 09, and hours of recorded interviews given to Dilley for her book. It also required submitting again to a documented harassment campaign: roughly 69 videos in one archive of 675 targeting him specifically, in a collection running December 2019 to September 2020.
Dilley knew and never believed it — she read him as Schoenberger-controlled. When she accessed his PC, she found the Schoenberger emails and PayPal transfers and circulated that the conflict had been fake and he had always been Schoenberger's friend. Others who did know exposed the infiltration publicly and mocked it. He continued anyway.
He warned the group the attacks were too heavy and that he would not be equally stable every day. When his cat was dying and he asked for help, the group turned away. After the findings went public there was no acknowledgment and no apology.
That is the honor trap working exactly as described, on someone who could see it, had been warned about it, and walked in anyway because the alternative was leaving the record incomplete. Documenting the mechanism does not exempt you from it.
Two things repeatedly destroy research in this subject area: sloppy sourcing, and litigation used as a deterrent. The rules below exist because both have already happened to people in this document.
Neal Rauhauser's 2016 "manipulating conspiracy theorists" doctrine describes calibrated encouragement and provocation, tuned to a success-rate band that produces either despair or overreach in the target. His documented lawfare doctrine treats expensive, long-distance, discovery-heavy litigation as a deterrence tool — make an example of one critic to quiet the rest.
A matching intake funnel is documentable in four independent sources: Rauhauser's doctrine, Kirtaner's Matrix room created and labelled by him as a sinkhole for "real q crazies once plans enact," a Reddit recruitment drive pulling in roughly five hundred unvetted volunteers, and those volunteers being exposed to Rauhauser without disclosure.
Steven Biss's professional standing is not a matter of this file's opinion. A fellow attorney who twice served as his local counsel writes publicly that Biss is one of the worst attorneys he knows and should indeed be disbarred, adding that Biss shafted both clients and him.
The same thread documents Biss winning defamation actions on behalf of Trevor Fitzgibbon — who appears in the notes' own "involved" column in chapter 01. The rest of the thread concerns serious personal allegations between third parties and is not reproduced or adopted here; it is outside this file's scope and nothing in it is treated as established.
What is in scope: the lawfare vehicle in chapter 12 runs through a sanctioned attorney, whose wife wrote in 2019 that Schoenberger works for her. The deterrent effect of a lawsuit does not depend on the lawyer being good at it. It depends on the defendant having to show up.
Schoenberger v. Dilley et al. — originally Michigan Court of Claims No. 25-000045-MM; Wayne County No. 25-012153-CZ transferred and renumbered 25-000186-MZ; consolidated December 2025 under master file No. 26-000013-MZ. Thomas Schoenberger is the plaintiff.
The author of this dossier is not a named defendant in any of it — described in the complaint, not sued, and no John Doe defendant appears in the caption. That correction is recorded here because it was previously stated wrongly, including in earlier working notes, and a wrong claim about legal status is exactly the kind of error this file exists to avoid.
One structural effect is worth naming: a docket legitimizes the plaintiff by implication. The existence of a court record suggests there is something substantive to litigate about Cicada 3301 authorship, and a dismissal does not retract that impression. The Cicada installment of the published series is held until this resolves — which is a decision about sequencing, not about what the evidence shows.
Research from this desk has been republished without credit repeatedly enough that the pattern is itself part of the record: an annotated video clip rebroadcast as someone else's authentication device; five Medium articles that move from naming this author twice in acknowledgments, to calling him "arguably the hero of our story," to zero body-text mentions in a flagship rewrite five years later; a 222-to-31 link-sharing ratio showing near-total one-directional research flow in one DM archive.
Named in this document as attribution actors because it is documented, not because it is personal: Jim Stewartson, Daniel Morrison, Jack Bryan, and Thomas Schoenberger.
This dossier compresses work that lives in full elsewhere. These are the underlying documents — sworn-affidavit analysis, network dossiers, background investigations, drafts in progress. All eight are link-shareable.
Sworn document analysis. Multi-source OSINT plus affidavits under penalty of perjury, with the Lenihan article and Dilley payroll confirmation added in v3.
How the Dilley QAnon paper was built to end up in court. Consolidated dossier v2 across Welna, Fionda, Dilley, Mensch, Yonder, Farallon, Rauhauser and Schoenberger.
MEgaAnon attribution, Q Super Heroes infrastructure, the Thrive pipeline and VictoryOfTheLight coordination. Evidence package for installments 2 and 3.
The legal-intimidation infrastructure around QAnon, Cicada 3301 and the MAGA lawfare operation — and how the Biss files reached Binnall Law Group.
How a husband-and-wife YouTube channel became the broadcast infrastructure for the proto-QAnon network — and why a Texas money manager’s name in an "FBI insider" transcript changes everything.
Evaluating the Thinkin Project, its proxies, and the accused operatives.
Key figures, digital platforms and evolving spiritual thought — the background file behind chapter 10.
Background file supporting the Standing Rock chapter. Open-source only.